tactics of social democracy engels


Marx arrived at this practical conclusion only as a result of the experience of the democratic revolution, almost a year later -- so philistine, so petty-bourgeois was the whole atmosphere in Germany at that time.

The inadequacy and the belatedness of this slogan at the present time are too obvious to require proof.     The resolution of a whole conference of "Menshevik" Social-Democrats in the Caucasus, and the endorsement of that resolution by the editors of the new Iskra, sums it all up politically in an unmistakable way: lest the bourgeoisie recoil if the proletariat takes part in a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship! This muddle is unavoidable, it is a means to cover up the retreat. Further, the article defines the attitude of the Social-Democrats to such non-Party leagues. We set ourselves the aim of securing victory for the insurrection, which is to lead to the establishment of a provisional government ("which will emerge from a victorious popular insurrection"). It must be properly understood and properly applied in political slogans.

Bernstein says: we demand a frank recognition of what is, thus sanctifying a "movement" without "final aims," sanctifying defensive tactics only, preaching the tactics of fear "lest the bourgeoisie recoil." The authors, in their innocence, do not notice that they are speaking a purely anarchist language, as if they were repu- The Osvobozhdentsi recognize the revolution in order the more safely for themselves to conjure it away, to betray it. ernment, of a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry.
We cannot jump out of the bourgeois-democratic boundaries of the Russian revolution, but we can vastly extend these boundaries, and within these boundaries we can and must fight for the interests of the proletariat, for its immediate needs and for the conditions that will make it possible to prepare its forces for the future complete victory. What we can and must do is determine the nature and aim of our participation.

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They do so not because they are revolutionaries, but despite the fact that they are not revolutionaries. OF DICTATORSHIP AND MARX'S VIEW OF IT page 78 What, then, does the class instinct of the Russian bourgeoisie, as expressed by the Osvobozhdentsi, tell us? "the Third Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.

Do the new Iskra-ists declare the aim of Social-Democratic activity to be a decisive victory of the revolution over tsarism?

page 117 Since the establishment of a republic would cause (and is already causing: Mr. Struve, for example) the bourgeoisie to recoil, therefore, down with the fight for a republic.

But it would be an even greater mistake to forget that in the final analysis these bourgeois-distorted opinions reflect the real interests of the bourgeoisie, which, as a class, undoubtedly understands correctly which trends in Social-Democracy are advantageous, close, akin and agreeable, and which trends are harmful, distant, alien and antipathetic to it.

inevitable concurrence of their interests in democratic changes.

THE VULGAR BOURGEOIS REPRESENTATION

And the strengthening of the rule of the bourgeoisie over the proletariat which has secured some measure of political liberty must inevitably lead to a desperate struggle between them for power, must lead to desperate attempts on the part of the bourgeoisie "to take away from the proletariat the gains of the revolutionary period."

This is an exceptionally signihcant phenomenon that characterizes not only the progress of bourgeois liberalism, but even more so the progress of the real successes of the revolutionary movement, which has compelled recognition.

Our new Iskra-ists are also pushing towards "Economism," and with such unreasonable zeal as to earn the praises of the monarchist bourgeoisie for their "seeing the light."

THE QUESTION "MORE PROFOUND" Every Social- Since it is quite impossible to make use of the whole of this rich material here, we shall confine ourselves to the most important points only: firstly, to the kind of "realism" in Social-Democracy that Osvobozhdeniye praises and why the latter must praise it; secondly, to the relationship between the concepts revolution and dictatorship. And note its peerless philosophy of democratic revolution! The resolution fails to grasp this connection between our "decisive victory" (not in the new Iskra sense) and the revolution in Europe, and therefore it speaks not about the tasks of the proletariat, not about the prospects of its victory, but about one of the possibilities in general: "in the event of the revolution spreading.

forgets about a trifle . particularly convenient for the bourgeois of the "constitutional-democratic" party, or the party of "liberation," since outwardly they coincide with the Marxian slogans, since with a few small omissions and some slight distortions they can easily be confused with and sometimes even passed off as Social-Democratic slogans. such actions. ; in short, they wanted to please everybody [allen alles sein]."

But this Assembly bores the German people instead of carrying the people with it or being carried away by it.

Marxism teaches that a society which is based on commodity production, and which has commercial intercourse with civilized capitalist nations, at a certain stage of its development, itself, inevitably takes the road of capitalism. ), i.e., in order not to avail themselves of the fruits of victory but to turn all these fruits over entirely to the bourgeoisie. Such people repeat the words of our agrarian program that they have learned by rote without understanding their meaning, for otherwise they would not be frightened by the concept of the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry, which inevitably follows from the entire Marxian world outlook and from our program; otherwise they would not restrict the sweep of the great Russian revolution to the limits to which the bourgeoisie is prepared to go.

sible. The superstructure is cracking at every joint, it is yielding to pressure, it is growing weaker. Well, were we not right in calling these knights past masters in philistinism? What, then, does the class instinct of the Russian bourgeoisie, as expressed by the Osvobozhdentsi, tell us? understood the tasks an armed insurrection entails, which have begun to carry them out, and have realized the necessity of leading the entire popular revolution against tsarism, the necessity of advancing for that purpose certain definite progressive slogans and no other.

"The Neue Rheinische Zeitung appeared in the political arena as the 'organ of democracy.' This is how matters stand with regard to the question, unsatisfactorily answered by the new Iskra-ists, of the danger of our hands being tied in the struggle against the inconsistent bourgeoisie. page 139 This follows from the fact that the insurrection is a "popular" one, as is stated in the beginning of the resolution we are discussing, that "non-proletarian groups" (the words used in the Conference resolution on the uprising), i.e., the bourgeoisie, also take part in it.

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